삼성전자가 조셉 라이딩 일리노이대 공대교수가 14년전 특허출원한 반도체 수명연장 -반도체 성능향상기술을 도입하기로 하고 계약을 마쳤답니다
라이딩교수는 '14년전에 개발된 기술이 마침내 반도체 생산에 적용되게 돼 다소 놀랍다'며 기쁨을 표했고
일리노이대는 삼성전자를 제외한 다른 반도체 업체들도 자진해서 라이센싱 계약을 체결해 주기 바란다'고
1996년 1월 16일 특허출원돼 1999년 2월 16일 특허를 받은 이 기술은 라이딩교수와 이대학 칼헤스 교수가
개발했으며 한국인으로 추정되는 이진주씨[인텔연구원-포스닥]도 기술개발에 참여한 것으로 알려졌습니다
* 특허내용 : Deuterium-treated semiconductor devicesJoseph W. Lyding et al
US Patent number: 5872387
URBANA, Ill. - Samsung Electronics has signed a deal to license technology developed more than a decade ago by a University of Illinois professor that extends the life of silicon chips.
The university announced the deal this week.
University of Illinois professor Joseph Lyding says he's pleased and a little surprised to see his technology licensed for the first time 14 years after he developed it.
The technology allows chip makers to substitute deuterium (doo-TEER'-ee-um) for hydrogen in their manufacturing process. Hydrogen can be relatively easily knocked off a silicon surface. That shortens the life of a chip.
The university hopes other companies follow Samsung. That could lead to millions of dollars in revenue for the school.
URBANA – Joseph Lyding says he's "pleased and a little surprised" that the semiconductor technology he helped develop 14 years ago has finally been licensed.
The University of Illinois announced Tuesday that Samsung Electronics has been licensed to use the patented technology that can extend the life – or improve the performance – of silicon chips.
The technology involves the use of deuterium, a nonradioactive isotope of hydrogen, in processing the chips.
The UI hopes other electronics companies follow Samsung's lead and sign similar licenses. If so, the university could enjoy a substantial revenue stream.
"The potential is in the millions, from all the potential licensees," said Mark Kaczor, senior technology manager for the UI's Office of Technology Management.
The license sprang from the work of Lyding, a professor of electrical and computer engineering; Karl Hess, a professor emeritus now living in Hawaii; and Jinju Lee, a postdoctoral researcher now working for Intel Corp.
In the early 1990s, Lyding did fundamental research on the differences of hydrogen and deuterium on silicon surfaces. Later, he and his colleagues sought to find out how those findings might affect silicon-chip technology.
Hydrogen had conventionally been used in the processing of silicon chips. But hydrogen tends to get knocked off silicon surfaces during an electrical charge, decreasing the chip's performance.
Lyding and Hess tried substituting deuterium, an isotope that's heavier than hydrogen. They found it stayed bonded and improved the lifetime of chips by a factor of 10 to 50.
Lyding said there was "a flurry of activity" in 1996 and 1997, after those findings came out. Several companies published papers confirming the results, and other researchers got patents that built on their discoveries.
Then things "got quiet" as companies did internal development.
Kaczor said it's not surprising it took a while for Samsung, the second-largest electronics company in the world behind Intel, to sign a license.
"A lot of our technologies are very cutting-edge, and it takes industry a while to catch up," he said. "That was true of deuterium, which was hailed at the time as revolutionary."
As electronic devices get smaller, the use of deuterium has become more necessary, Kaczor said.
It wasn't needed as much when devices became obsolete quickly, he said. But as longevity becomes more important, companies give more attention to the use of deuterium in processing chips.
According to Kaczor, Hess believes the technology will be most useful in cell phones, where microprocessors run many functions – including video displays, audio applications and the circuits that dial telephone numbers.
Lesley Millar, director of the UI's Office of Technology Management, called Samsung "the first domino to fall."
The use of deuterium in processing chips is "a widely known technology that's been around a while," she said. "Because we have a strong patent portfolio, we have high hopes ... that other companies would like to license the technology."
Millar said the electronics market is huge, and deuterium technology represents only a small part of that.
"But when you talk about billion-dollar markets, there's potential for millions of dollars of revenue," she said.
The university owns five U.S. patents and one South Korean patent covering the use of deuterium in semiconductor devices. Under the license, Samsung can use the technology for the lifetime of the patents.
에스크베리타스 자산운용의 홈페이지가 조금 바꼈습니다
ETRI의 휴대폰 특허권에 대한 독점라이센스를 획득한 박충수 SPH AMERICA 사장,
백석찬 SPH AMERICA 부사장등이 에스크베리타스의 상임고문으로 기재돼 있었습니다만
최근에는 박충수, 백석찬씨의 이름이나 회사명등은 지워져 있습니다
ETRI는 독점라이센스 계약과 관련해 국내 최고 로펌의 자문을 받았다고 밝혔습니다만
독점라이센스를 획득한 SPH AMERICA 의 백석찬 부사장은 변리사로서 김앤장에 근무했었습니다
서울대등 각 대학들도 특허권보호를 위해 자체적으로 '기술지주회사'를 설립했습니다
기술지주회사에 대해서도 좀 알아봐야겠습니다
아래는 지난 2005년 신건, 임동원 전 국정원장에 대한 불법도감청관련 공판 판결문입니다
이 판결문에는 실명이 삭제된 채 주요 도감청 내용이 간략하게 언급돼 있습니다
비 실명처리된 주요 도감청 대상자는 누구일까요
네모나 세모등으로 표시된 주요 도감청 대상자의 실명을 아시는 분은 댓글에다 적어주십시요
지금 이시간에 또 얼마나 많은 이들의 통화를 엿듣고 있을까?
“김○두 8국장이 2001. 4.경 최■선이 애인으로 추정되는 여성에게 ‘이번 개각에
서 내 새끼들이 다 되었다, 김□신 국방장관과 피고인 신건이 그 사람들이다, 이제 그
(1) 2000. 10.경부터 2001. 3.경까지 사이에 지만○이 햇볕정책 등을 비판하고 다닌
다는 이유로 지만○과 성명불상자 간 ‘햇볕정책 비판, 강연회 일정’ 관련 통화 내
용을 수회 감청하고,
(2) 2000. 10.경부터 2001. 3.경까지 사이에 최■선이 각종 이권에 개입하는 등 문제
를 일으킨다는 이유로 최■선과 성명불상의 내국인들 간 ‘금전관계, 사무실 운영
관계, 여자관계, 자기 과시 내용’ 등 관련 통화내용을 수회 감청하고,
(3) 2000. 말경부터 2001. 초경까지 사이에 정부의 대북지원 정책과 관련하여 통일부
장관 박□□, 통일부 간부 김형기 등 통일부 공무원들의 대북지원 관련 통화내용
을 수회 감청하고,
(4) 2000. 12.경 민주당 소장파 의원들이 권○○ 최고위원 퇴진을 거론하는 등 민주
당 내분사태가 발생하자 2000. 12.경 민주당 소장파 의원들 및 당직자들 간 ‘권
○○ 최고위원 퇴진’ 관련 통화내용을 수회 감청하고,
(5) 2000. 11.경부터 같은 해 12.경까지 사이에 진○현 관련 불법대출, 특혜 의혹 등
으로 사회적 이목이 집중되자 진○현과 성명불상자 간 ‘진○현의 불법 대출, 구
명 운동’ 관련 통화내용을 수회 감청하고,
(6) 2000. 10.부터 2001. 3.경까지 사이에 북한에서 귀순한 황○엽, 김○홍이 정부의
대북정책을 강도 높게 비판하고 미국을 방문한다고 하자 황○엽과 이○승 전 의
원, 성명불상의 탈북자단체 간부, 성명불상의 통일문제연구소 간부 등 간 ‘황○
엽의 미국 방문 문제’ 등 관련 통화내용을 수회 감청하고,
(7) 2000. 10.부터 2000. 말경까지 사이에 이○작 등 대통령 친·인척의 행동이 문제
가 되자 이○작, 이○호 등 대통령 친·인척과 성명불상자들 간 통화내용을 수회
(8) 2000. 말경 안기부 비자금의 정치권 유입 의혹 사건으로 사회적 이목이 집중되자
강○재 의원과 성명불상자 간 ‘안기부 비자금 사건’ 관련 통화내용을 수회 감청하고,
신건, 임동원 두 전직 국정원장에 대한 불법 도감청 관련 1심 판결문입니다
서울중앙지방법원 제22형사부는 지난 2006년 7월 14일 판결을 통해 두 전직 국정원장에게 징역 3년, 집행유예 4년을 선고했습니다
유선대 휴대폰 감청장비인 R2, 휴대폰 대 휴대폰 감청장비인 CAS 등에 대해 간략하게 설명돼 있고
이들 장비가 어떻게 작동하는지, 어떤 내용을 도감청 했는지도 열거돼 잇습니다
백지연씨는 많은 국민의 성원과 사랑을 받아 온 방송인으로서 본인의 신상에 관한 내용을 직접 알려드리는게 마땅한 도리라고 생각하여 본인에게는 힘든 일이지만 이 자료를 전해 드립니다. 백지연씨가 자신의 신상에 관한 사항을 직접 알려드리는 또 하나의 중요한 이유는 이혼에 관한 사항이 당사자 이외에는 누구도 정확한 사실을 알 수 없는 것임에도 불구하고 일부 매체들이 '측근' '지인' '주변취재' 등의 형식으로 근거 없는 보도가 나갈 수 있다는 심각한 우려가 있기 때문입니다.
백지연씨는 송모씨와 2007년 5월 이혼에 합의하여 6년간의 결혼 생활을 정리하였으며 2009년초 미국에서 모든 법적 절차를 마무리 했습니다. 백지연씨는 가족의 보호를 위해 이혼절차를 조용히 밟았으며 서로의 발전을 기원하면서 두 사람 모두 각자의 일과 생활에 성실히 종사하고 있다고 밝혔습니다.
저희 법무법인 화우가 이러한 자료를 보내드리는 이유는 백지연씨와 송모씨가 이혼할 당시 모든 사항을 저희 법무법인을 통해서만 입장을 밝히기로 서면으로 합의하였을 뿐만 아니라 또한 백지연씨의 대리인으로서 향후 발생할 수 있는 여러가지의 법률적 사항을 고려하였기 때문입니다.
저희 법무법인은 백지연씨와 가족들이 현재의 아픔과 어려움을 하루 빨리 극복할 수 있도록 방송 및 언론 관계자 여러분들의 넓은 양해를 부탁드립니다.
서청원 친박연대 전 대표의 형집행 정지 연장 신청이 29일 기각됐다. 서 전 대표는 지난해 7월 30일 형집행 정지 결정을 받은 뒤 10월 29일 1차 연장이 받아들여졌으며, 이날이 3개월간의 집행 정지 마감일이었다.
수원지검 강찬우 1차장검사는 이날 "서청원 전 대표가 수감생활을 견딜 수 있을 만큼 건강이 회복된 것으로 판단돼 2차 연장 신청을 불승인했다"고 말했다. 이에 따라 검찰은 30일 서 전 대표를 의정부교도소에 재수감할 예정이었으나 서 전 대표측의 요청에 따라 2월 1일로 재수감 절차를 미뤘다고 밝혔다. 서 전 대표는 지난 18대 총선 당시 비례대표 특별당비를 받은 혐의로 구속 기소돼 지난해 5월 징역 1년6월형이 확정돼 수감생활을 하다 그해 7월 30일자로 심장병 치료 등의 이유로 형집행이 정지됐다. 서 전 대표는 지난 6개월간 경기도 광주시의 주거지에서 요양해왔다.
이날 청와대 한 관계자에 따르면 김 대변인은 사퇴의사를 표명했으며 이같은 내용이 스위스 다보스를 방문 중인 이명박 대통령에게 보고됐다.
이같은 김 대변인의 사의 표명은 이 대통령이 이날 오전(현지시간) 가진 BBC방송과의 회견 과정에서 김정일 (북한 국방)위원장을 연내에 만날 수 있을 것 같다고 발언한 내용과 청와대에서 전한 내용이 다소 차이가 있었던 데 따른 것으로 전해졌다.
이 대통령은 회견에서 김정일 국방위원장과의 남북 정상회담 가능성을 묻는 질문에 "조만간이라고 단정지어 말할 수 없지만 아마 연내에 만날 수 있을 것 같다고 본다"고 말했다. 이 대통령은 그러면서 "단지 우리가 유익한 대화를 해야되고 북한 핵 문제에 대해서 우리가 충분히 얘기할 수 있어야 하고 양국간 화해와 협력을 위해서 열린 마음으로 사전에 만나는데 대한 조건이 없어야 한다"며 "그렇게 되면 언제든지 만날 수 있다"고 덧붙였다.
이 대통령이 남북정상회담 가능성에 대해 그동안 "언제든지 만날 수 있다"고 밝혀왔으나, 명시적으로 시기를 적시해 성사 가능성을 피력한 것은 이번이 처음인 만큼 의미가 큰 발언이었다.
그러나 이같은 대통령의 이 발언은 "한반도 평화와 북핵해결에 도움이 될 상황이 되면 연내라도 안 만날 이유가 없다"로 상당히 '톤'이 다운돼 이번 순방에 동행한 청와대 출입기자들에게 전해졌다.
청와대 이동관 홍보수석도 서울에서 가진 브리핑을 통해 "원칙에 맞고 여건과 조건이 충족된다면 언제든 남북정상회담을 할 수 있다는 원론적 입장을 강조한 것"이라며 남북정상회담 연내 개최 합의 가능성에 대한 확대해석을 경계했다.
특히 이같은 내용은 오후 8시께 BBC방송의 보도를 확인한 KBS가 대통령의 발언을 정정해 보도함으로써 애초 언론에 알려진 이 대통령의 '발언'이 사실과 다른 것으로 밝혀졌다.
이에 대해 청와대 홍보라인 관계자는 "이 대통령이 말한 의미를 BBC에도 설명했다"며 "제대로 했으면 BBC에 보도가 나간 후 확인하고 했을 텐데 기자들이 오해하는대로 이 대통령의 워딩을 왜곡하려는 의도는 없었다"고 해명했다.
[* 참여연대 사법감시센터에서 지난해 12월말 기업인 특별사면복권현황을 정밀 분석한 자료를 발표했습니다
'무전유죄, 유전무죄' 논란을 낳고 있는 사면정책을 방대한 자료를 통해 실증적으로 보여주고 있습니다 http://blog.peoplepower21.org/Judiciary/40520 참여연대를 방문하면 원문 파일을 받을수 있습니다
참여연대 사이트를 보면 좋은 리포트임에도 불구하고 다음뷰 조회가 단 8회에 댓글 0 이여서 너무 안타깝습니다
많은 사람이 볼 수 있도록 퍼다 날라 주시면 좋겠습니다 ]
3. 판결문의 잉크도 마르기 전에 사면한 대표적 사례
2009년 연말 또는 2010년 신년 특별사면을 앞두고 사면대상자로 거론되고 있는 이들 가운데에는 형사재판이 확정된 지 1년은 커녕 6개월도 지나지 않은 이들이 적지 않다. 그 대표적 이가 이건희 전 삼성그룹 회장, 이학수 전 삼성그룹 구조조정본부장, 김인주 전 사장 등 삼성그룹 전현직 임원들이다. 전국경제인연합회 등 경제5단체는 최근 기업인 특별사면 건의 대상자 78명의 명단을 대통령에게 제출하였는데, 거기에는 2008년 광복절 이후 재판이 확정된 32명도 포함되어 있다. 이건희 전 회장 등도 바로 여기에 해당한다.
이들을 사면하는 것은 ‘판결문의 잉크도 마르기 전’에 재판의 효력을 지워버리는 것으로 사면의 정당성이 매우 낮다.
아래는 대기업 경영진들이 형사재판이 확정된 지 1년 이내에 사면받은 대표적 사례이다.(경제개혁연대 2008.10.23 발표 ‘경제개혁리포트 - 8.15 대기업 관련자 사면결과 분석’에서 대다수 재인용)
<초단기 특별사면 대표적 사례>
이학수(삼성그룹 전 구조조정본부장, 05석) - 7개월 28일
정몽구(현대자동차그룹 회장, 08광) - 2개월 13일
김동진(현대자동차그룹 부회장, 08광) - 2개월 13일
최태원(SK그룹 회장, 08광) - 2개월 18일
손길승(前 SK그룹 및 전경련 회장, 08광) - 3개월 19일
김승정(SK글로벌 대표이사, 08광) - 3개월 19일
유승렬(前 SK그룹 구조조정본부장, 08광) - 3개월 19일
조기행(SK그룹 구조조정본부 재무팀장, 08광) - 2개월 18일
윤석경(SK C＆C 대표이사, 08광) - 2개월 18일
민충식(SK그룹 구조조정본부 전무, 08광) - 2개월 18일
문덕규(SK글로벌 재무지원실장, 08광) - 2개월 18일
박주철(SK글로벌 대표이사, 08광) - 2개월 18일
박용성(두산그룹 전 회장, 07년2월) - 6개월 21일
박용만(두산그룹 전 부회장, 07년 2월) - 6개월 21일
김승연(한화그룹 회장, 08광) - 11개월 9일
김철훈(한화그룹 전략기획팀장, 08광) - 6개월 16일
김욱기(前 한화리조트 감사, 08광) - 3개월 23일
김윤규(前 현대건설 대표이사, 08광) - 1개월 27일
이내흔(前 현대건설 대표이사, 08광) - 1개월 27일
김재수(前 현대건설 부사장, 08광) - 1개월 27일
임창욱(대상그룹 명예회장, 07년2월) - 9개월 16일
최원석(前 동아그룹 회장, 08광) - 4개월 7일
조원규(前 동아건설산업 부사장, 08광) - 7개월 21일
장치혁(前 고합 회장, 08광) - 11개월 28일
이수강(前 고합 회장, 08광) - 11개월 28일
양갑석(前 고합 사장, 08광) - 11개월 28일
서호석(前 고합 부사장, 08광) - 11개월 28일
[* 참여연대 사법감시센터에서 지난해 12월말 기업인 특별사면복권현황을 정밀 분석한 자료를 발표했습니다
'무전유죄, 유전무죄' 논란을 낳고 있는 사면정책을 방대한 자료를 통해 실증적으로 보여주고 있습니다 http://blog.peoplepower21.org/Judiciary/40520 참여연대를 방문하면 원문 파일을 받을수 있습니다
참여연대 사이트를 보면 좋은 리포트임에도 불구하고 다음뷰 조회가 단 8회에 댓글 0 이여서 너무 안타깝습니다
많은 사람이 볼 수 있도록 퍼다 날라 주시면 좋겠습니다]
- 앞서본 209명의 기업인중 각 사면당시 정부발표 자료와 언론보도를 통해 명단이 확인 가능한 기업인들은 모두 152명임. 나머지 57명에 대해서는 앞으로 정보공개청구 등을 통해 추가 확인할 예정임
- 확인가능한 152명의 명단을 소속 기업집단(그룹)을 중심으로 소개하면 다음과 같음
- 각 이름 앞의 부호는 아래 사면시점을 의미함(미확인된 2006년 광복절 사면 명단은 제외)
‘08광’ - 2008년 광복절 사면 ‘08신’ - 2008년 신년 사면,
‘07년2월’ - 2007년 2월 사면 ‘05광’ - 2005년 광복절 사면
‘05석’ - 2005년 석가탄신일 사면, ‘02연’ - 2002년 연말 사면
Remarks by the President in State of the Union Address
9:11 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:
Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.
It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable -– that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people.
Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.
One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted -– immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.
But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that much harder.
This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades –- the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.
So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children -– asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.
For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.
So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope -– what they deserve -– is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.
You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."
It's because of this spirit -– this great decency and great strength -– that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight. (Applause.) Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength. (Applause.)
And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can deliver on that promise.
It begins with our economy.
Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, and everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it -- (applause.) I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. (Laughter.)
But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular -– I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.
So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks. (Applause.) Most but not all.
To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. (Applause.) Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need. (Applause.)
Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed.
That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.
Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families. (Applause.) We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. (Applause.)
I thought I'd get some applause on that one. (Laughter and applause.)
As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime. (Applause.)
Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. (Applause.) Two hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. (Applause.) And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.
The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. (Applause.) That's right -– the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill. (Applause.) Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped save jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it. Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.
There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.
But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight. (Applause.)
Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses. (Applause.) But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.
We should start where most new jobs do –- in small businesses, companies that begin when -- (applause) -- companies that begin when an entrepreneur -- when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across the country, even those that are making a profit.
So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. (Applause.) I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit
-– one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. (Applause.) While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment. (Applause.)
Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. (Applause.) From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.
Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. (Applause.) There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help move our nation's goods, services, and information. (Applause.)
We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities -- (applause) -- and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy-efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. (Applause.) And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas, and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America. (Applause.)
Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. (Applause.) As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same, and I know they will. (Applause.) They will. (Applause.) People are out of work. They're hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay. (Applause.)
But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.
We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade –- what some call the "lost decade" -– where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.
From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for a while.
For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? (Applause.)
You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China is not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany is not waiting. India is not waiting. These nations -- they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs. Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America. (Applause.)
As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.
Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.
We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. (Applause.) We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.
Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. (Applause.) And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. But we cannot let them win this fight. (Applause.) And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right. (Applause.)
Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history -– (applause) -- an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investments in clean energy -– in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.
But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. (Applause.) It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. (Applause.) It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. (Applause.) And, yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America. (Applause.)
I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. (Applause.) And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. (Applause.)
I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But here's the thing -- even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future -– because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation. (Applause.)
Third, we need to export more of our goods. (Applause.) Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. (Applause.) So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. (Applause.) To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security. (Applause.)
We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. (Applause.) But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. (Applause.) And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia. (Applause.)
Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. (Applause.)
Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And the idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform -- reform that raises student achievement; inspires students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education. (Applause.) And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential.
When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. (Applause.)
To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. (Applause.) Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. (Applause.) And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years –- and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. (Applause.)
And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs -– (applause) -- because they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem.
Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle-class families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment –- their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments.
This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. (Applause.) And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform. (Applause.) Yes, we do. (Applause.)
Now, let's clear a few things up. (Laughter.) I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics. (Laughter.) I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; families –- even those with insurance -– who are just one illness away from financial ruin.
After nearly a century of trying -- Democratic administrations, Republican administrations -- we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.
And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier. (Applause.) Thank you. She gets embarrassed. (Laughter.)
Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office -– the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress –- our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades. (Applause.)
Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "What's in it for me?"
But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber. (Applause.)
So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. (Applause.) Let me know. Let me know. (Applause.) I'm eager to see it.
Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. (Applause.) Let's get it done. Let's get it done. (Applause.)
Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight.
At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. (Applause.) By the time I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in the door. (Laughter and applause.)
Now -- just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis. And our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a fact.
I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. (Applause.) So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the economy last year.
Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. (Applause.) Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. (Applause.)
We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we'll extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it. (Applause.)
Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. (Applause.) This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.
Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I'll issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. (Applause.) And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 1990s. (Applause.)
Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I agree -- which is why this freeze won't take effect until next year -- (laughter) -- when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. (Laughter and applause.) But understand –- understand if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery -– all of which would have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.
From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument -– that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts including those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is that's what we did for eight years. (Applause.) That's what helped us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again.
Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense. (Laughter.) A novel concept.
To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust -– deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue -- to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve. (Applause.)
That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why -– for the first time in history –- my administration posts on our White House visitors online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs, or seats on federal boards and commissions.
But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.
With all due deference to separation of powers, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for special interests –- including foreign corporations –- to spend without limit in our elections. (Applause.) I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. (Applause.) They should be decided by the American people. And I'd urge Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to correct some of these problems.
I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. Applause.) Democrats and Republicans. (Applause.) Democrats and Republicans. You've trimmed some of this spending, you've embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. (Applause.) Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is being spent. (Applause.)
Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another. Now, I'm not naïve. I never thought that the mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony -- (laughter) -- and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years. They're the very essence of our democracy.
But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about the other side -– a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of -- (applause) -- I'm speaking to both parties now. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual senators. (Applause.)
Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of the game. But it's precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it's sowing further division among our citizens, further distrust in our government.
So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our politics. I know it's an election year. And after last week, it's clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern.
To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve problems, not run for the hills. (Applause.) And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town -- a supermajority -- then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. (Applause.) Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. (Applause.) So let's show the American people that we can do it together. (Applause.)
This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. I'd like to begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can't wait. (Laughter.)
Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I'm not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who's tough. Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future -- for America and for the world. (Applause.)
That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence. We've prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed -- far more than in 2008.
And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. (Applause.) We will reward good governance, work to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans -- men and women alike. (Applause.) We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitments, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am absolutely confident we will succeed.
As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. (Applause.) We will support the Iraqi government -- we will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: This war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home. (Applause.)
Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform -- in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and around the world –- they have to know that we -- that they have our respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. (Applause.) That's why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades -- last year. (Applause.) That's why we're building a 21st century VA. And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families. (Applause.)
Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people -– the threat of nuclear weapons. I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. (Applause.) And at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in Washington, D.C. behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists. (Applause.)
Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of nuclear weapons. That's why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions –- sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That's why the international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran's leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: They, too, will face growing consequences. That is a promise. (Applause.)
That's the leadership that we are providing –- engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We're working through the G20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We're working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science and education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We're helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease -– a plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.
As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. (Applause.) That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; why we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; why we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity. (Applause.) Always. (Applause.)
Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we're all created equal; that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.
We must continually renew this promise. My administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. (Applause.) We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. (Applause.) This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. (Applause.) It's the right thing to do. (Applause.)
We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws -– so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work. (Applause.) And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system -– to secure our borders and enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nation. (Applause.)
In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America -- values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren't Republican values or Democratic values that they're living by; business values or labor values. They're American values.
Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions -– our corporations, our media, and, yes, our government –- still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.
No wonder there's so much cynicism out there. No wonder there's so much disappointment.
I campaigned on the promise of change –- change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change –- or that I can deliver it.
But remember this –- I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's just how it is.
Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what's best for the next generation.
But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago, or 100 years ago, or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The only reason we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and their grandchildren.
Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going -– what keeps me fighting -– is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people, that lives on.
It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, "None of us," he said, "…are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail."
It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong. We are resilient. We are American."
It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti.
And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!" when another life was saved.
The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people. We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don't quit. I don't quit. (Applause.) Let's seize this moment -- to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more. (Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)
곽영욱 전 대한통운 사장이 부인 김모씨와 함께 하와이 부동산을 매입한 가격은 34만달러입니다
곽영욱 사장이 2006년 11월 1일 계약서를 작성하고 11월 3일 하와이 호눌룰루카운티에 등기한 계약서를 보면
첫 페이지에 양도세가 3백40달러라고 기재돼 있습니다 [계약서는 이 블로그 다른 페이지에 있습니다]
하와이주 부동산 양도세 [HAWAII CONVEYANCE TAX = HAWAII REAL ESTATE TRANSFER TAX]는
지난 2005년 7월 1일 아래와 같이 개정, 운영되고 있습니다
부동산가격에 따라 3단계로 차등 적용됩니다
부동산 매매가격이 60만달러 이하일 경우 1백달러당 0.1달러
부동산 매매가격이 60만달러이상 백만달러이하일 경우 1백달러당 0.2달러
부동산 매매가격이 백만달러이상일 경우 백달러당 0.3달러입니다
따라서 곽영욱 사장이 3백40달러를 양도세로 냈으므로 부동산 매입가격은 34만달러인 것입니다
곽사장이 2만달러에 매입했다고 한다고 20달러 세금을 내어야 맞습니다
그러나 3백40달러 세금이 책정된 것으로 계약서에 정확히 명시돼 있습니다
또 호놀룰루주 세무국에도 곽사장 계약서인 2006-201500 문서의 매매금액이
34만달러로 기록돼 있습니다
하와이에서 부동산을 매입한 한국인들, 즉 조현상, 노재헌, 한솔가, LG가등등
모든 분들의 세금과 매입가격이 정확히 일치했으며
이들의 매입가격은 호놀룰루카운티 세무국 기록과도 일치했습니다
이 콘도는 THE KAHALA BEACH 이며 토지소유주와 건물소유주가 달라
2027년 모두 비워줘야 하므로 매매가격이 비슷한 규모의 다른 콘도보다
절반이하의 가격에 거래되고 있으며 곽사장은 콘도이용권을 산 것이 아니라
콘도를 매입한 것입니다
Information received since the Federal Open Market Committee met in December suggests that economic activity has continued to strengthen and that the deterioration in the labor market is abating. Household spending is expanding at a moderate rate but remains constrained by a weak labor market, modest income growth, lower housing wealth, and tight credit. Business spending on equipment and software appears to be picking up, but investment in structures is still contracting and employers remain reluctant to add to payrolls. Firms have brought inventory stocks into better alignment with sales. While bank lending continues to contract, financial market conditions remain supportive of economic growth. Although the pace of economic recovery is likely to be moderate for a time, the Committee anticipates a gradual return to higher levels of resource utilization in a context of price stability.
With substantial resource slack continuing to restrain cost pressures and with longer-term inflation expectations stable, inflation is likely to be subdued for some time.
The Committee will maintain the target range for the federal funds rate at 0 to 1/4 percent and continues to anticipate that economic conditions, including low rates of resource utilization, subdued inflation trends, and stable inflation expectations, are likely to warrant exceptionally low levels of the federal funds rate for an extended period. To provide support to mortgage lending and housing markets and to improve overall conditions in private credit markets, the Federal Reserve is in the process of purchasing $1.25 trillion of agency mortgage-backed securities and about $175 billion of agency debt. In order to promote a smooth transition in markets, the Committee is gradually slowing the pace of these purchases, and it anticipates that these transactions will be executed by the end of the first quarter. The Committee will continue to evaluate its purchases of securities in light of the evolving economic outlook and conditions in financial markets.
In light of improved functioning of financial markets, the Federal Reserve will be closing the Asset-Backed Commercial Paper Money Market Mutual Fund Liquidity Facility, the Commercial Paper Funding Facility, the Primary Dealer Credit Facility, and the Term Securities Lending Facility on February 1, as previously announced. In addition, the temporary liquidity swap arrangements between the Federal Reserve and other central banks will expire on February 1. The Federal Reserve is in the process of winding down its Term Auction Facility: $50 billion in 28-day credit will be offered on February 8 and $25 billion in 28-day credit wil be offered at the final auction on March 8. The anticipated expiration dates for the Term Asset-Backed Securities Loan Facility remain set at June 30 for loans backed by new-issue commercial mortgage-backed securities and March 31 for loans backed by all other types of collateral. The Federal Reserve is prepared to modify these plans if necessary to support financial stability and economic growth.
Voting for the FOMC monetary policy action were: Ben S. Bernanke, Chairman; William C. Dudley, Vice Chairman; James Bullard; Elizabeth A. Duke; Donald L. Kohn; Sandra Pianalto; Eric S. Rosengren; Daniel K. Tarullo; and Kevin M. Warsh. Voting against the policy action was Thomas M. Hoenig, who believed that economic and financial conditions had changed sufficiently that the expectation of exceptionally low levels of the federal funds rate for an extended period was no longer warranted.
지난 26일 새벽 아파트 24층에서 떨어져 숨진 채 발견된 삼성전자 이모(51) 부사장은 51번째 생일이었던 전날 혼자 술을 마시고 장문의 유서를 남긴 뒤 투신한 것으로 밝혀졌다.
그가 아내에게 보내는 편지 형식으로 쓴 A4용지 10여쪽 분량의 유서에는 "회사 때문에 힘들다", "우울증 때문에 고생했다"는 내용과 회사 내부 상황에 대한 언급이 들어 있었던 것으로 알려졌다. 경찰은 "이씨가 6층 집에서 24층 야외 테라스로 올라가는 모습이 CCTV에 잡혔다"면서 "화단에서 발견 당시 손에 깨진 양주병을 쥔 채 쓰러져 있었다"고 말했다. 이씨의 한 지인은 "평소 술도 잘 안 먹는 건실한 사람이었다"고 말했다.
전국적 걷기열풍을 선도하고 있는 제주 올레길 중 일부 코스를 대기업 계열사가 사유지라는 이유로 막아 올레꾼들이 불편을 겪고 있다.
제주 서귀포시는 2007년 11월 개설된 올레 7코스(외돌개~월평포구)중 속칭 ‘속골’ 입구를 소유주인 (주)효성이 막고 있어 통행제한을 풀어달라고 요청했다고 27일 밝혔다. (사)제주올레에 따르면 이 업체는 올레 7코스 중 ‘돔베낭골’이 끝나고 ‘속골’로 접어드는 길목에 회사 소유의 땅이 일부 포함되자 지난해 5월부터 통행을 막으려고 돌담으로 길을 막았다.
올레꾼들은 이 때문에 일주도로 쪽으로 1㎞쯤 걸어나와 서귀포여고 앞과 속골을 지나 다시 올레코스로 진입하는 불편을 겪고 있다.
올레 7코스를 탐방했던 한 여행객은 서귀포시 인터넷 신문고를 통해 “돔베낭길에서 바다쪽으로 걷다보면 개인별장으로 막혀있다. 서귀포여고까지 나와서 속골로 다시 걸어가야 하기때문에 불편하다”고 밝혔다.
제주올레 측은 “올레를 걷다 중간에 차도로 나와야 하기 때문에 위험하기도 하고 올레의 콘셉트에도 맞지 않았지만 사유지이기 때문에 어쩔 수 없다”고 말했다.
서귀포시는 “효성 측은 도보여행객들이 계속 지나가다 보면 현황도로(관습도로)로 인정돼 재산권 행사가 힘들어질 것이라는 이유로 올레코스 연결에 난색을 보이고 있다”고 밝혔다.
제주 올레가 전국적으로 인기를 끌고 있는 가운데 대기업이 사유지 일부가 포함됐다며 올레길을 막아 버려 올레꾼들의 원성을 사고 있다.
27일 서귀포시에 따르면 제주 올레 7코스(외돌개~월평포구,16.4㎞) 돔베낭길에 ㈜효성이 최근 돌담으로 올레코스 중간 30여m를 막아 버렸다. 이 때문에 올레꾼들은 일주도로쪽으로 1㎞정도 걸어나와 서귀여고와 속골을 거쳐 다시 제주올레 7코스로 재진입하는 등 불편을 겪고 있다.
7코스 돔베낭길은 제주 올레 가운데 가장 빼어난 경관을 자랑해 관광객들이 가장 즐겨 찾는 곳이다. 올레꾼 김모(44·대구시 달서구)씨는 “개인도 아닌 대기업이 사유지라는 이유로 단순하게 통행만 하는 올레길을 막아 버린 것은 대기업답지 못한 처사”라고 말했다. 서귀포시는 최근 효성그룹을 직접 방문해 제주올레 7코스의 통행 제한을 풀어줄 것을 요청했지만 거절당했다.
시 관계자는 “효성 측이 올레꾼들의 통행으로 앞으로 사유재산권 행사에 문제가 생길 소지가 있어 미리 길을 차단한 것으로 안다.”고 말했다. 제주올레는 지난해 전국에서 25만 1000여명이 찾았고 서귀포시는 올해 40만명이 찾아올 것으로 전망하고 있다.
한편 제주올레는 지난해 삼성경제연구소가 선정한 ‘2009년 10대 히트상품’에 가족 여행지로 ‘가장 가보고 싶은 곳’ 1위에 선정됐다.
도요타 자동차가 일부 인기 차종의 생산과 판매를 중단했습니다. 자동차의 안전성 문제라고 하니 오랜동안 쌓아왔던 도요타 자동차의 신뢰가 한순간에 무너지는 순간입니다. 도요타가 다시 신뢰를 쌓기에 상당한 기간이 걸릴 것이라는게 미국 전문가들 대부분의 의견이라고 합니다. NYTimes(영문) 관련기사 보기 도요타의 이러한 악재에 쾌재를 부르고 있는 것이 바로 미국산 자동차 브랜드와 그리고 현대차 입니다. 아마도 그동안 일본차 브랜드들에게 자국의 안방을 내..